HEROES LIVE FOREVER:
BANGABANSHU SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN
(THE FOUNDER OF BANGLADESH)
“Man is mortal”- the universal
truth. I want to say that, not only man of human being is mortal but also all
living being is mortal. Nobody can live forever but ones goodwill or image is
immortal. Society never forgets some ones activities. Human’s activities are
universal. Man can live in his goodwill or positive image forever. Whose who
are remarkable in the world they have done something for society without any
personal profit.
They are heroes of the nations.
There activities are immortal. Human being will remember the mass people will
remember their activities forever as well as their name. For this reasons we
can say that, heroes live forever.
In the same way, Bangabandhu Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman is one of the national heroes of Bangladesh. He was a symbol
fighter politician at the whole Pakistan period from 1950s to 1971. He has a
major part to become Bangladesh it self as an independent country. Bangladeshi
Nationals were free from the Pakistani unitary rule. At first let’s know some
thing about this great leader.
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
& His activities:
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s birth on
March 17, 1920,in the sleepy village of Tungipara in the then district of
Faridpur did not hit the headlines, nor did any newspaper bring out special
supplements to celebrate the occasion as an event of national importance until
the liberation of Bangladesh in the declining days of December 1971. Nobody
even his happy parents (Sheikh Lutfur Rahman and Begum Sayera Khatun), could
foresee that with him was born a history that would record the birth and
destiny of a nation & that their son will occupy a permanent place in the
gallery of history makers. He was chosen to serve a divine design and to play a
vital role (and suffer in the process) in sapping the destiny of 75 million
people of what was to emerge as a free Bangladesh.
Even the sunrise days of his life a
sense of involvement began to grow within. It was as he felt in silent
prompting inside him to reach out to others, to fraternize with the people
around him and to live intimately with them, as one of them in weal and woe, in
joy and sorrow. This feeling was however.
1 Electronic copy available at:
http://ssrn.com/abstract=1143363 2
undemonstrative as the easy and
effortless opening of a bud. It grew slowly unconsciously and insensibly.
Once the villagers were hit by a
poor harvest. The consequence crisis in the kitchen became the main topic of
discussion everywhere and everybody wore a distressed and mournful face.
Although totally unaffected, young Mujib’s sympathetic heart felt a stab of
pain at the distress of the co-villagers. But he knew that being sorry for them
would not fill the empty plates; he had to think of doing something positive
about it and the only remedy that he could think of was to urge his father to
distribute paddy from their own “gola” (store house) to ease the shortage. His
anxiety to provide relief to the needy overlooked the capacity of the stock and
the practicability of the proposition.
Schoolboy Mujib met H.S. Suhrawardy
during his visit of Gupalgonj. Surawardy at once recognized the dynamic
qualities of Mujib as a political worker and the promise of leadership, which
made him distinctly difference from the others of his age group. Politically
speaking, Mujib attended adulthood much before his time. The meting eventually
resulted in the development of an intimate and durable relationship between
them, which lasted till the death of Saruwardy. Mujib’s real political
apprenticeship began from that time and in 1943 when he was a mere Intermediate
Arts student is became a member of the All Indian Muslim League Council. Three
years later, while still a student he established his claim to leadership by
successfully organizing and conducting the 1946 election campaign of the Muslim
League in the then district of Faridpur.
At the end of his academic cum
political career in Calcutta (1943 – 47) Mujib came over to Dhaka which became
the capital of East Bengal later rename East Pakistan, then eastern wing of
Pakistan which was born in August 14, 1947, the year of his graduation from
Calcutta University. As desired by his father, he got himself enrolled as a
student of law in the University of Dhaka. But the change of place did not in
any way disturb the continuity of his keen interest in men and matters out side
the academic world. Here also Mujib, the law student, the political activist,
and inset for qualify in the Bar; he became involved in activities that often
found him behind prison bars.
An organizer of extraordinary
ability blessed also with the vision of an architect, the Sheikh buildup the
Awami League into a real mass oriented organization giving the people a
political life. Not a political club of the explosive type decorated with
notable names of the urban gentry, but a party of virtual nondescripts and the
anonymous message living or struggling to live in the neglected rural areas. He
made it an organization of the 98 % of the population, so long unaware of its
awesome majesty, pitted against parties of the 2% wealthy urbanities monopolizing
political and economic power. As he foresaw, the Awami League gradually became
a tremendous political force capable of shaping the future of the country and
emancipating the exploited Bangladeshis.
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Sheikh Mujib never pursued the
shadow of power, which indeed intoxicates the best hearts, as wine does the
strongest heads. The only intoxicant, which stimulated both his head and heart,
was his strong sense of pride and dignity as a Bangalee, which he also wanted
every Bangalee to possess. He had a mission to fulfill – the mission to
bringing about an order in which Bangalees will be able to enjoy full political
rights, economic justice, cultural and intellectual freedom.
Unlike many another Bangalee
political leaders who could be successfully EBDO – Ed and subdued, Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman was feared as an extraordinary courageous adversary, who had to
be restrained in order to keep East Bengal permanently as a colony and an
exclusive area of exploitation. He was the main road – block that had to be cleared
to ensure a smooth passage to that goal.
From October 12, 1958, Sheikh Mujib
was kept in detention for about one year and a half. During that long period
half – a – dozen criminal cases were instituted against him. That he was
honorably acquitted of all the criminal charges showed how false, malicious and
politically motivated those charges were and that despite the regime’s harsh
attitude at least some of the higher count managed to display their sense of
justice by refusing to deliver dictated judgments.
From 1966 to the general election
of December 1970, the political movement in East Pakistan was principally based
on the Awami League’s six-point program officially presented by Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman. The much discussed, much dissected and much debated program embodied
the specific demands of East Bengal those acceptance alone would end the
social, economic and political injustice done to this province. While those in
power and cheer – leaders read in it a message of Pakistan’s doom, Bangalees by
and large treated it’s a life saving drug containing all the vital ingredients
in a consented form – a drug which would save Bangalees from the deep rooted
economic & political malaise of two decades without having any adverse
effects on other and Pakistan. Sheikh Mujib’s six points presage the emergence
of Bangladesh.
The six – points of Sheikh
Bangabandhu Mujibur Rahman:
I. “The constitution should provide for a federation of Pakistan in its true
sense on the basis of Lahore Resolution & parliamentary form of government
with supremacy of legislature directly elected on the basis of universal adult
franchise”.
II. “Federal government shall deal with only three subjects, for example
Defense, Foreign affairs & Currency and all other residuary subjects shall
vest in the federating units”.
III. “Two separate but freely convertible currencies for two wings may be
introduced or one currency for the whole country may be maintained. In this
case effective constitutional provision is to be maid to stop flight of capital.
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from East to West Pakistan. Separate banking reserve is to be made and separate
fiscal and monetary policy to be adopted for East Pakistan”.
IV. “The power of taxation and revenue collection shall vest in the federating
units and the federal center will have a share in the State taxes for meting
their required expenditure”.
V.
A. There shall be two separate accounts for foreign exchange earnings of the
two wings.
B. Earnings of East Pakistan shall be under the control of East Pakistan
government and those of West Pakistan under the control of West Pakistan government.
C. Foreign exchange requirement of the federal government shall be met by the
two wings either equal or in the ratio to be fixed.
D. Indigenous products shall move free of duty between two wings.
E. The constitution shall power the unit government to established trade and
commercial relations, setup trade mission in, and enter into agreements with
foreign countries.
VI. Setting up a military or Para – military force for East Pakistan.
In all his public utterances
General Yahya Khan, the President of the Pakistan that was, put up a show of
his unwillingness to remain in power even a day longer than was absolutely
necessary. On every occasion, and he made a plenty of them, he reaffirmed that
his government was an interim one holding the country together till the
induction of a democratic government under a democratic Constitution to be
framed on the basis of a consensus of all political parties. When asked if he
would himself present a Constitution to the people in case his search for a
consensus continued to prove abortive, he would dismiss the idea and
emphatically assert that he would never repeat the mistake of his predecessor,
giving an impression that he really took a lesson from that mistake. He was
fond of repeating his newly acquired wisdom about the corruptibility of power
never omitting the last part of the cliché of absolute power corrupting
absolutely. From the frequency of the quotation, meant to reveal his distaste
for power, it seemed to some that he was sincere about it and to others that it
was only an attempt to conceal his power lust.
The latter view gained more
credence because while he assured that his government was not averse to
restoration of political activity in the country and that he was seeking
co-operation of political leaders in bringing about proper conditions for
holding elections, he never failed at the same time to caution everybody that
he was the Head of a Martial Law regime. The implication (and not too indirect)
was that proper conditions were not there and his search for a consensus of all
political parties was yet inconclusive.
The Awami League chief Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman held that all Martial Law regimes are alike and all military
heads of state arc equally.
susceptible to the lust of power
although their methods of acquiring and clinging to power may be different. The
same power greed activated both Ayub Khan and Yahya Khan. Only the latter was
trying to cunningly exploit the pain of frustration inflicted by the former.
Considered in practical terms, it
was not easy to get the kind of consensus Yahya Khan insisted upon, because all
the parties were not similarly motivated. For instance, while the Sheikh was
for maximum autonomy on the basis of the Six-Point Program, the demands of the
other political leaders were quite modest. Contrary to the belief of the others
that anything would be better than nothing, the Sheikh was firmly convinced
that it would be a poor political strategy to betray the weakness of a supplicant
anxious to take anything that the rulers were pleased to grant. Such an
attitude of helplessness would indefinitely postpone realization of rights. A
correct understanding of the situation created by the mass upsurge should, he
thought and argued, establish the truth that it was for the regime to appease
the Bangalees and not for the Bangalees to solicit favor. If a consensus was
necessary, it should be the consensus of the people, and not that of some
politicians.
As a doughty organizer of mass movements,
a courageous crusader for justice and a lifelong sufferer for espousing a
cause, Sheikh Mujib knew that the cumulative effects of the events of 1948,
1952, 1962, 1966, 069 that took an appalling toll of lives and left an
indelible imprint on the minds of conscious Bangalees could not be lost. The
Bangalees had paid the price for there legitimate rights and the goods had now
been delivered. He had no doubt that it was impossible for Yahya Khan to check
the course of the people's movement which brought about the fall of Ayub Khan.
As Ayub Khan's successor Yahya Khan was equally vulnerable and his performance
alone would determine whether his exit would be as painful. Whether he would
leave the political scene with or without the stigma of a villain would depend
on his ability to make an objective appraisal of the situation and the past
events leading to it.
In spite of the military strength
at his disposal, Yahya Khan realized, or seemed to realize, that it would no
longer be possible to govern the people without their consent or at least a
semblance of it. So at long last he permitted resumption of political activity
in the country from January 1970 and declared that general elections would be
held on December 10, 1970 and the first session of the Constituent Assembly
would commence on March 3, 1971.
There were some attempts to
postpone the elections to a later date on the ground that the turnout of voters
might be poor in December after the widespread devastations in the wake of a
severe cyclone and tidal bores in a vast area of the then East Pakistan killing
several hundred thousand of people besides causing colossal loss of property.
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman saw that the move for deferring the polls was part of a
conspiracy to delay.
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transfer of power to the people's
representatives. He strongly opposed it and demanded that the devastations
provided a stronger reason for holding the elections on the scheduled date
rather than for postponement. He said that the indifference of the Central
Government in Islamabad to the distressed people in the affected areas showed
beyond any doubt that the salvation of Bangalees lay in their own efforts,
which would be possible only if they had their full share of control over the
administration of their affairs. It was apparent to the Sheikh that if the
elections were put off, they would continue to be the victims of natural,
political and economic calamity. So, with the full backing of the people, he
declared that the government would be responsible for a major disaster if the
elections were not held as promised. Yahya Khan was obliged to decide against
any change in the election schedule.
In all his public meetings Sheikh
Mujib said that the election would be treated as a referendum on the Awami
League's Six-Point Program. Each vote cast in favor of an Awami League
candidate would be a mandate for implementation of the Six-Point. The Six-Point
Formula was the only election issue of his party and having known the people
more intimately than any one else, he was sure that his party would win by an
overwhelming majority.
The results showed that it was an
understatement. The victory of the Awami League was sweeping and complete. In
the then East Pakistan his party bagged all but two seats that gave it
A very comfortable majority over
the combined strength of all the parties of East and West Pakistan. The Sheikh
emerged as the topmost political figure in the country and the leader of the
single largest party to which power was to be transferred.
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
as a Prime Minister:
Prime Minister Bangabandhu Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman is the inevitable successor to the revolutionary leader Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman. As a logical sequence and consequence the pre-liberation hero
has reappeared in the principal role of the post-liberation drama of
Bangladesh. No other order of succession would suit and serve the nation.
The independent arid sovereign
State of Bangladesh is his masterpiece, his self-fulfillment. Therefore, to
know Bangabandhu is to know Bangladesh and vice versa. In him one can have a
heart's eye view of Bangladesh.
Although he epitomizes the body and
soul, the hopes and aspirations of the Bangalee nation, it is alien to his
democratic character to indulge in imperial self-glorification by identifying
the State with himself. A great commoner, he has nothing but unqualified
contempt for Louisiana vanity pronounced 1'etat c'est moi (the state, it is I).
7 ,
It has been said, and quite aptly,
that if the Bangalee nation was to take a human form, it would look like
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Seventy-five million people of Bangladesh
were rolled into one man and the history of the nation was wrapped up in him.
It will not be an overstatement to say that his life was the nation's biography.
It is not easy to fully represent
the spiritual vigor of this nearly six-feet of solid manhood, of this tall,
imposing and wonderfully animated human statue, who has changed the course of
history and reversed the trends and forces that seemed irreversible. Nor is it
possible to faithfully portray in a few words this big size character already
vividly projected on the wide screen of modern history. Resurgent Bangladesh of
seventy-five million inspired people was the real measure of his greatness.
Bangladesh was not built in a day.
For centuries it existed as an idea and an ideal in the unfulfilled dream of
the ancient heroes of Bengal who carried it to their graves. Bangabandhu, who
inherited this legacy, reared and nourished the dream into a strong and abiding
passion and gave the passion a shape, that is, the map of Bangladesh, which was
engraved on his heart.
How he turned this sentimental map
into a territorial reality is history. This history covers a period of
twenty-four. Years
from virtually the birth of Pakistan to its partial death. He built the castle
of Bangladesh in his mind and then started to lay a solid foundation, which
took nearly a quarter of a century to complete. He did it by hard labor and
personal suffering and sacrifice all reinforced by his immense love for the
people and his intense conviction that he is on the side of justice.
Love has been the legit-motif of
his politics. He was never just a professional politician. His entry into
politics was not the result of a search for a career but was necessitated by
the pursuit of a purpose, namely, the emancipation of Bangalees from age-old
exploitation through the establishment of a free and fully autonomous
Bangladesh. His unwavering moral conviction was the élan vital the life force
that has made him a man of action among fumblers.
Soon after the establishment of
Pakistan he found that it was something different from the Pakistan which the
Lahore Resolution of 1940 intended it to be and that instead of being treated
as an autonomous federating unit, East Bengal was being condemned as a
politically dominated and economically exploited colony of West Pakistan. As a
proud Bangalee it was impossible for him to accept the position of East Bengal
rapidly becoming a political backyard of the western wing and an economic
graveyard of the Bangalees.
He sowed the seeds of Bangalee
nationalism in the hearts of the people, which nurtured, nourished and
fertilized with his immense love and his personal suffering eventually sprouted
into
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A banyan tree of a mighty movement
against the despots of West Pakistan. The latter’s policy of persecution
stimulated and spurred the movement to a constitutional struggle, then a
long-drawn-out crusade and finally a successful revolution.
Fearless of the future and heedless
of his own fate, he had been driven by his intense determination to carry on
the crusade for the honor, justice and freedom of Bangalees. The intensity of
his conviction was tested by his long rigorous struggle and the trials of his
political life that included over a decade of detention in prison and grave
charges that could cost him his life, all of which he could easily avoid and
substitute by a comfortable life only if he agreed to conform.
Unlike many other leaders, he
always initiated and guided a movement rather than be drawn into one. And
unlike the indoor type of political theorists far removed from the people, he
had provided what may be called an applied leadership, which reflects the
characteristic vitality of a passionate nationalist that he is. As a political
organizer he had no peer. The strength of his party, the Awami League, the most
widespread political network, bears testimony to it. When he used to go out
proselytizing for his party, he was invariably greeted with full-throated
slogan of "Long live Bangabandhu" and a pledge of allegiance.
An advance notice of his public
meeting invariably created a spatial problem. The venue was transformed into a
sea of humanity spilling all over. h was an audio-visual treat to sec and hears
him speak. The people were madly in love with his voice, which produced a kind
of compulsion that the listeners simply could not resist. They were enthralled,
spellbound and inspired by the sweet and fiery music of his dramatically
delivered speeches. When he was awaiting almost certain death in prison in West
Pakistan during the nine months of 1971 his tape-recorded voice repeating his
public speech of March 7, 1971 in the course of which he declared "the
struggle this time is the struggle for liberation, this struggle is the
struggle for independence" inspired and guided the freedom fighters
throughout the war. The `Bajra-Kantha' (the thundering voice) gave the command
and they obeyed and fought. From prison he led the country to victory.
He had a talent for turning
disasters into triumphs, which enabled him many a time to borrow life from
death in order to stake it again and again for the people's cause. This talent
or moral strength emanate from his enduring loves for the people and from his
abiding faith in them. So he was a confirmed democrat, a benign socialist, a
liberal secularist, an uncompromising nationalist and after all and above all,
a humanist and lover of peace. To many this was a difficult combination. With
no pretension to infallibility, he loves to experiment with what seems
incomprehensible to others. Because of this Bangladesh, which was Utopia to
many, became a reality.
Sheikh Mujib strongly believed that
power came from the love and loyalty of the people and not from the barrel of a
gun. The emergence of
9
Bangladesh, he proudly asserted and
reasserted, provided an unassailable proof of this truth.
Bangabandhu at a glance:
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
was born at Tunggi para at Gopalgong in the 27th March 1920. His fathers name is
Lutfar Rahman & mothers name is Saira Khatun. He passed matriculation in
1941 from Gopalgong Mission School. He passed HSC & BA from Calcutta
Islamia College respectively in 1944 and 1946. He starts his political career
as an active student leader at Calcutta respectively “Muslim Chatro Andolon
& Banggio Pradesik Muslim League” under the supervision of Hosain Sahid
Sohrawardi.
He has admitted himself at Dhaka
University as a student of law in 1987. He established “East Pakistan Muslim
Chatro league” at 4th January
1948. He was the founder chairman of that party. He attended in the language
movement at 1952 from Prison (as Anasan Dormogat). At 1953 he became the
General Secretary of Awami Muslim League. He was elected an East Bengal
parliament member from Tunggipara in the election of 1958 as a leader of “Jukta
Front”. He was elected a member of Pakistan general assembly by the East Bengal
parliament members in 1955.
In 1956 he was appointed the labor,
industry, commerce & anti – corruption minister of the East Pakistan
provincial government. In 1966 he declared six –point in Lahore conference as
the guidelines of Bengali independence. Pakistan government charged him the
main actor of Agartala conspiracy case in 6th June 1969. He got title The
Bangabandhu in the Raisecourse field in 23rd February1969 by “Chatro Songram
Parisad”.
Awami League got single majority in
East Pakistan in the election of 1970 under his leadership. This victory was
the first declaration of independence under the leadership of Bangabandhu
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. General Yahea Khan postponed the national assembly for
unlimited time. At the same time Bangabondo declared strike and revolution. He
says that, “This revolution is the revolution of our independence” at a meting
in Raiscourse field in 7th March
1970.
He was arrested by the Pakistani
military in 25th March
1970 at his house. He was in jail during the whole liberation war of
Bangladesh. He came to Dhaka at 10th January
1972. He took the position of the Prime minister of Bangladesh in 12th January 1972. In his period
Bangladesh got approval from 104 countries. Bangladesh became a member of
Commonwealth, UN, NAM, and OIC in his ruling period. The constitution of
Bangladesh was edited in his period. He got the Jolly & Kuri medal from
world peace council. In his period Farakka agreement was sign under his
leadership in 1974.
In his leadership the fourth
amendment of the constitution was passed in 25th January 1975. This amendment
changed the system of government from parliamentary to presidential. By
dissolving all political parties of the country he established one party
“BAKSAL” government. He was the chairman of the
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“BAKSAL”. In the same year, some
Army personnel killed him in the 25th August.
Three-and-a-half-year Rule of
Bangabandhu's Government: An Era of Reconstruction and Institution-building
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman,
founding father of Bangladesh, was in power only for three-and-a-half year. The
anti -independence and anti-national forces that seized power after his brutal
killing on 15 August, 1975 have since then unleashed a campaign of lies and
vilification about B angabandhu and his government. The people were not allowed
to know the facts. They were kept in darkness about the reality following the
liberation war and devastation caused by it. There was still then a conspiracy
against our hard-craned independence being hatched by anti -independence
forces-both local and international-that were out to sabotage all the
achievements of Bangabandhu despite tough challenges and odds. Yet,
Bangabandhu's Government achieved commendable successes in the reconstruction
of the war-divested nation.
The first meeting of the Council of
Ministers was held on 13 January, 1972. The meeting approved the design of our
national flag, national anthem Amar Sonar Bangla and the marching-song chal
chal. The meeting also formed a committee on postal stamps and sanctioned funds
for reconstruction of the Shahicl Minar. On the same day, Bangabandhu took some
more important measures including the writing off all Khazna (land tax) for
that year, distribution of 250 million taka loan among the farmers, steps to
restore the telecommunication system within the country in six months, actions
to start production in the Raj shahi Sugar Mill and an announcement that
telecommunication between Dhaka and Comilla will be restored without any delay.
Rehabilitation / Reconstruction /
Building of Infrastructure:
During the liberation war the
economic infrastructure and production process were destroyed. The defeated
Pakistan army left the country's two seaports-Chittagong and Mongla-totally
inoperative. There were mines planted along the ports' channels and ships
capsized. A total of 291 rail bridges, including the Hardinge Bridge, were
affected because of the war. In addition, 274 highway bridges were damaged. The
new government found 10 per cent of rail-lines uprooted throughout the country.
At least, 66 ferries, 5,000 trucks and 2,500 buses were destroyed. The Pakistan
army also destroyed tens of thousands of houses across the country. Not a singe
seagoing vessel was left. There was no reserve of any foreign exchange and no
gold. The food godowns were empty. But Bangabandhu tackled the situation with
courage and great statesmanship and earned respect of the international
community.
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Education:
During the war, Pakistani soldiers
and their collaborators the Razakars and Al-Badrs-tumed nearly all schools of
the country into military camps. The defeated and departing army either destroyed
the schools or set them afire. Education received top priority with
Bangabandhu. So, he nationalized the primary education. The primary school
teachers, who have so long been neglected, received the status of government
employees. The government opened 11,000 new primary schools and about 100,000
new teachers were employed. Primary education was made compulsory. Other
measures included Tiffin for students, free education for girls unto class VIII
and free supply of educational materials such as books, writing paper and
pencils. The government started implementing the recommendations of Dr.
Qudrat-e-Khuda Commission, which sought to make education universal, modem and
scientific with emphasis on vocational and technical training. Text Book Board
was set up. Madrassa education was modernised and an Islamic Foundation was
created.
The government arranged massive
student scholarships and training facilities. All `black laws' regarding
universities were repealed and the universities received autonomy. Bangla
Academy was reorganized and it was decided that Bangla would be introduced in
all spheres of the state. Shilpakala Academy was created. Democratic reforms
were introduced in the cultural field; censorship system for theatre was done
away with. A set of principles was drawn to run the mass media in the public
interest. The government at the college and university hostels subsidized food.
Free distribution of shirts, trousers, paper, books, pens and pencils covered
students from university down to primary schools.
Health: The government started work
on construction of health centers at each Thana and union of the country. In
each of the 365 thanas a 31-bed hospital was set up with modem facilities.
Medical colleges were established indifferent parts of the country, hospitals
were set up and the jobs of many temporary health workers were made permanent.
Family planning was given a priority and projects were taken up to achieve this
goal. Registration schemes were introduced for fertile couples. Pilot projects
in this field were given free nutritious food and 45 per cent of the population
was brought under rationing network. Tube-wells were sunk in each village to
supply pure drinking water. Women Rehabilitation Board was formed and measures
were taken for women's employment.
Agriculture: Bangladesh is an
agrarian country, agriculture being the main source of national income. After
the independence, the government rehabilitated more than 2.2 million peasant
families. In addition to building a modern agricultural infrastructure for
them, the government had to supply agricultural inputs such as seeds,
fertilizers, and pesticides either at subsidized prices of free of cost. The
government installed 40,000 powered low-lift pumps, 2,900 deep and 3,000
shallow tube wells within 1973. In
12 .
1972, the government distributed
16,125 tons of high-yielding rice seeds and 1,037 tons of wheat seeds. Besides,
certificate cases against one million farmers were lifted and all their arrear
loans were written off. Land tax unto 25 bighas of land was waived forever.
Arrangement was made for price support to crops like paddy, jute, tobacco and
sugarcane meaning that minimum price for purchase of these agricultural
products by the government was introduced. Rationing system was introduced for
poor farmers. Their children were given free education supported by the
government.
Until 15 August, 1975 the share of
landless peasants accounted for 35 per cent of the population. The government
arranged distribution of Kha,s land among these landless peasants. Ceiling was
introduced upto 100 bighas of land. Food deficit was 3 million tons a year
until the independence. One-third of the cultivable land was fallow. The
Government of Bangabandhu launched a series of measures to reduce the food
deficit and encourage the farmers in various ways. The government took some
speedy measures to solve the problems of farmers and agriculture and adopted
village-based programs. Bangladesh Agricultural Development Corporation
introduced three types of irrigation: (a) Power pumps, (b) Deep tube wells and
(c) Shallow irrigation pumps. The power pump project was strengthened and
promoted. In 1968-69, the number of power pumps was 11,000 while in 1974-75
this increased to 36,000. As a result, the acreage of irrigated land rose from
2.6 million acres in 1970 to 3.6 million acres in 1975. Naturally, the food
production increased.
The use of chemical fertilizer
increased by 74 per cent, pesticide by 40 per cent, high-yielding seed by 25
per cent in 1973-74, compared to 1969-70. Special emphasis was put on
agricultural research. Even though the price of chemical fertilizers increased
manifold in international market, no price-hike took place in Bangladesh. In
1972, the price of urea, potash and TSP were respectively Tk. 20, Tk. 15 and
Tk. 10 per maund Industry:
In the face of imminent defeat in
the war, the Pakistani army, non-Bengalese industrialists and administrative
staff transferred
Capital money and valuable
equipment and spares to Pakistan. At the same time, they left their property in
Bangladesh destroyed, including machinery and factories, Moreover, the
non-Bengalese workers were more in number in these factories, so, there was heavy
dislocation and crisis erupted rendering factories out of production. But the
government took speedy measures and production in these factories resumed under
the government's supervision. The trend of substantial rise in the production
of sugar, yarn and engineering products noticed in 1973 continued during
1974-75 and production rose by 12 percent.
The production of manufactured yarn
and clothes increased by 11 per cent and 3 per cent respectively in the first
nine months of that year. Production
13 of certain commodities
increased encouragingly, including food grains, newsprint, tea, cycles,
electric cables and bronze wares etc.
Price situation:
Inflation was running critically
high in global economic system in 1974. The impact was felt all over the world
and as a result prices started rising in developed as well as developing
countries. Compared with 1970, the prices of all consumer goods increased by 11
per cent in Argentina, 26 per cent in Chile, threefold in Korea and it doubled
in Britain in 1975. Food prices increased 10 times in Argentina, 30 times in
Chile, three-fold in Korea and double in Britain. The price of wheat in
international market increased by 400 times in 1974 than in 1972. For example,
in 1971 Thailand used to sell rice at $ 130 per ton and this hiked to $ 600 by
March, 1974. It was very natural for price to rise also in Bangladesh, whose
economy was already shattered by the war. But prices of consumer goods
increased only from June, 1974 until January, 1975. Then the prices started
falling.
Bangabandhu was leading the country
boldly and with great determination despite floods, shortage, treachery, bank
robberies, chaos, disruption, sabotage and all kinds of odds. It was amazing
how neatly he rebuilt the economy out of ashes. He created a history of
reconstruction of war-crippled economy, which did not occur in many Western
countries. The governments in these
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Countries told their peoples that
they would not entertain any new demands in five years. America did not raise
the salary of government employees for five years after the war. 1Vlilions of
people died of famine after revolution in Russia and China.
But Bangabandhu moved forward
overcoming all obstacles. In just three years he built an edifice of
development worth 130,000 million taka on the ruins of 110,000 million taka.
Because of his dynamic leadership, Bangladesh got the membership of U.N.,
Commonwealth, OIC and 14 other international organizations and recognition from
most of the countries by August, 1975. He restored balance in industrial and
agricultural production, introduced new education policy.
The world was amazed to see how
quickly Bangladesh achieved development in power, energy and communications
under Bangabandhu's leadership. During 1974-75 Boro season, 2.249 million tons
of rice was produced, which is 29 thousand tons up from production the previous
year. Bangladesh was virtually flooded with food production. Bangabandhu
decided that he would announce by December that Bangladesh achieved
self-sufficiency in food. The conspirators launched their final blow at this
stage with great calculation.
The following achievements speak
for themselves:
Five hundred sixty-seven bridges,
including Hardinge and Bhairab bridges, were built or repaired; seven new
ferries were pressed into
14 service, 1,851 rail-wagons and
passenger-bogies were put into operation; 460 buses, 605 motor river-vessels
were introduced and three old airports put back in operation in restoration of
domestic communications network. In addition, mines were swept from the ports
of Chittagong and Mongla and they were made operative. The government
nationalized 580 banks, insurance and industrial units abandoned by the
Pakistanis and thus millions of workers got jobs.
Writing a progressive Constitution,
ban on liquor, gambling, housie, horseracing and such other anti-Islamic
activities, founding of Islamic Foundation, Madrassa Board, and Hajj Pilgrimage
Board and Bangladesh's membership
of OIC were among some important achievements of Bangabandhu.
Rehabilitation of 10 million
people, who returned from India and another 30 million who were displaced
within the country, provision of food to them, pulling out of Indian troops
within three months of independence, surrender of arms by freedom fighters,
financial support to the families of 3 million martyrs of independence, taking
up the responsibility of 200 thousand oppressed women, setting up of Freedom
Fighters' Welfare Trust, Women Rehabilitation Board, government employee status
to teachers, introduction of democratic ordinance for universities, formation
of Dr. Qudrat-e-Khuda Education Commission, introduction of Bengali in all
official work and at all national levels, establishment of 11,000 new primary
schools, setting up of madrassas, mosques and Islamic Foundation, establishment
of health centers in each thana and union of the country, absorbent of medical
workers, opening of medical college and hospital, reorganization of defense
forces with national honors including the National Army, Air Force and Navy, establishment
of country's first military academy in Comilla, creation of infrastructure for
Police, BDR, Ansar and civil administration, repatriation of 400,000 Bengalese
from Pakistan, return of several hundred thousand Pakistanis to their country,
enhancement of honor of the Bengali nation and its language, Bangabandhu's
first U.N. speech in Bengali, recognition of Bangladesh by nearly 200 states,
signing of border agreement with India and ensuring 44,000 cusec of water for
Bangladesh under agreement with India-these were among the achievements of the
Government headed by Bangabandhu.
In fine, based on above discussion
we can say that, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman has many contributions in
i. To established Bengalese rights in Pakistan period.
ii. The founder of independent Bangladesh.
iii. To emergence of Bangladesh as an independent country.
iv. To reconstruction of war affected Bangladesh after the liberation war.
v. To established friendly relations with foreign countries.
vi. To be a member of UN and other international agencies.
15
All Bangladeshi as well as world
history never forget him. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is a golden character in the
history of Bangladesh as well as in the mind of Bangladeshis. He never is died
from the heart of Bangladeshis as well as from the world history. So is
immortal. Thus we can prove that, Heroes live forever. As well as Bangabandhu
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman lives forever in the mind of Bangladeshis as well as in
the world history.
Bibliography
i. The class notes provided by our honorable course teacher Mr. Dr. Safar Ali
Akanda.
ii. Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (A Leader with a Difference) – by Obaidul
Huq.
iii. www.albd.org
iv. www.britanica.com
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আপনার গুরুত্বপূর্ণ মন্তব্যের জন্য ধন্যবাদ
আমরা প্রকৃত মুক্তিযোদ্ধাদের সঠিক তালিকা প্রণয়ণের জোর দাবী জানাই। আমরা সকল দুর্নীতির বিচার চাই; আমরা মুক্তিযোদ্ধা কারো নিকট করুনা ভিক্ষা চাইনা। দয়া দাক্ষিণ্যে আমাদের সন্তান বড় হবে না। কারন এ দেশ আমরাই স্বাধীন করেছি তাই আপনি /মন্ত্রী/প্রধান মন্ত্রী/রাষ্ট্রপতি। কথাটি আপনাদের মনে থাকলে বাংলাদেশে আর কোন দুর্নীতি হবে না।